Jason Brennan

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Many take it as an unquestionable, nonnegotiable axiom that everyone ought to have an equal share of political power. Unequal political power is a marker of injustice. They have a point. For most of civilized history, political power was distributed unequally, on the basis of morally arbitrary, repugnant, or evil reasons. We’ve made progress, and
Sayfa 18 - Arbitrary versus Nonarbitrary Grounds for Political Inequality
There are many other possible forms of epistocracy: Restricted suffrage: Citizens may acquire the legal right to vote and run for office only if they are deemed (through some sort of process) competent and/or sufficiently well informed. This system has representative government and institutions similar to modern democracies, but does not
Sayfa 15
Reklam
Liberals—following in Mill’s footsteps—usually hold that people should be allowed to make bad choices so long as they are only hurting themselves. To illustrate this, suppose Izzy—a single, childless man in his twenties—is imprudent. Izzy eats too much, exercises too little, and spends too much. However poor Izzy’s decisions may be, he’s not hurting anyone but himself. Let him live as he sees fit. His choices are bad, but we have no right to stop him from making bad choices. Many people think that just as Izzy has the right to eat himself into a heart attack, so a democracy has the right to govern itself into an economic crisis. When a democracy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions, that’s just like when Izzy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions. This analogy fails. An electorate is not like an individual. It is a collection of individuals with separate goals, behaviors, and intellectual credentials. It is not a unified body in which every person advocates the same policies. Instead, some people impose their decisions on others. If most voters act foolishly, they don’t just hurt themselves. They hurt better-informed and more rational voters, minority voters, citizens who abstained from voting, future generations, children, immigrants, and foreigners who are unable to vote but still are subject to or harmed by that democracy’s decisions. Political decision making is not choosing for oneself; it is choosing for everyone. If the majority makes a capricious decision, others have to suffer the risks.
Sayfa 9
Many left-liberals believe that under a libertarian free market, large corporations would become too powerful and would seize control of politics. Like left-liberals, libertarians also worry that corporations can be too powerful and exert too much control on politics. Left-liberals propose to solve the problem by expanding the power of government to control corporations. Libertarians think this strategy backfires. They tend to think corporations will seize this very power in order to disadvantage their competitors and increase their own power. Libertarians believe that the Left’s attempts to constrain corporate power actually increase corporate power. Libertarians also worry that that the left liberal opposition to corporatism is disingenuous. Leftliberals often have power. When in power, they subsidize and bail out their favored corporations.
Liberteryenler ancak tüm makul insanların kabul edebileceği şartlarda beraber yaşamamız gerektiğine inanırlar.Normal olarak iyi ve adil hakkında anlaşamadığımız için,zorlama ancak nadiren haklıdır.İnsanlara ahlaki komitenin eşit üyeleri olarak saygı göstermek için,onları kendi iradelerimize tabi kılmamalıyız.Onun yerine her bireye geniş bir kişisel özgürlük alanı garanti etmeliyiz.
Klasik liberallerle karşılaştırıldığında,katı liberteryenler inançlarını daha fazla insanların hakları için endişeye ve daha az iyi sonuçlar üretme endişesine dayandırırlar. Keza,katı liberteryenler inanırlar ki,bir liberteryen toplum iyi,alternatiflerinin hepsinden daha iyi sonuçlar üretecektir. Katı liberteryenler romancı Ayn Rand’ı, iktisatçı Murray Rothbard’ı ve felsefeciler Robert Nozick ile Eric Mack’ı kapsar.
Reklam
131 öğeden 121 ile 130 arasındakiler gösteriliyor.