En Beğenilen Özgürlüğün Geleceği Sözleri ve Alıntıları
En Beğenilen Özgürlüğün Geleceği sözleri ve alıntılarını, en beğenilen Özgürlüğün Geleceği kitap alıntılarını, etkileyici sözleri 1000Kitap'ta bulabilirsiniz.Eski düzende bir şarkıcının şöhreti onu kimin dinlediğine bağlıydı. Şimdi ise şöhretin anahtarı kaç kişinin onu beğendiğine bağlıdır.
Nicelik, nitelik haline dönmüştür.
Birleşik Devletler’in yurt dışında sıkça sınırsız demokrasiyi savunması biraz tuhaftır. Amerikan sisteminin ayırt edici özelliği ne kadar demokratik olduğu değil, seçmen kitlelerinin üzerine koyduğu birçok kısıtlamalar nedeniyle, ne kadar demokratik olmadığıdır.
Ethnic conflict is as old as recorded history, and dictatorships are hardly innocent in fomenting it. But newly democratizing societies display a disturbingly common tendency toward it. The reason is simple: as society opens up and politicians scramble for power, they appeal to the public for votes using what ends up being the most direct, effective language, that of group solidarity in opposition to some other group. Often this stokes the fires of ethnic or religious conflict. Sometimes the conflict turns into a full-scale war.
Sayfa 113
More to the point, Greece was not the birthplace of liberty as we understand it today. Liberty in the modern world is first and fore- most the freedom of the individual from arbitrary authority, which has meant, for most of history, from the brute power of the state. It implies certain basic human rights: freedom of expression, of associ ation, and of worship, and rights of due process. But ancient liberty, as the enlightenment philosopher Benjamin Constant explained, meant something different: that everyone (actually, every male citizen) had the right to participate in the governance of the community. Usually all citizens served in the legislature or, if this was impractical, legislators were chosen by lottery, as with American juries today. The people's assemblies of ancient Greece had unlimited powers. An individual's rights were neither sacred in theory nor protected in fact. Greek democracy often meant, in Constant's phrase, "the subjection of the individual to the authority of the community." Recall that in the fourth century B.C. in Athens, where Greek democracy is said to have found its truest expression, the popular assembly-by democratic vote-put to death the greatest philosopher of the age because of his teachings. The execution of Socrates was democratic but not liberal.
Sayfa 32
Germany at the turn of the century seemed to be moving in the right direction toward democracy. Then came World War I, which killed 2 million Germans and left the country devastated and was closed with the punitive and humiliating peace of Versailles. The years after Versailles saw the mass flight of ethnic Germans from Poland, Russia, and other eastern lands into Germany (a migration that produced immense social turmoil); hyperinflation; and finally the Great Depression. The liberalizing strains in German society were overwhelmed by much darker ones, and political order collapsed. In particular, hyperinflation-which Niall Ferguson has aptly called an "anti-bourgeois revolution"-wiped out the savings of the middle class and utterly alienated them from the Weimar Republic. The country became easy prey for extreme ideologies and leaders. It is common to read history backward and assume that Germany was destined to become what it became under Hitler. But even the United Kingdom and the United States had their ugly sides and desperate demagogues who grew in strength during the Great Depression. Had those countries gone through twenty years of defeat, humiliation, chaos, economic depression, and the evisceration of their middle classes, perhaps they, too, would have ended up being governed by demagogues such as Huey Long and Oswald Mosley rather than the statesmen Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill.
Sayfa 66
Most Third World countries that proclaimed themselves democracies immediately after their independence, while they were poor and unstable, became dictatorships within a decade. As Giovanni Sartori, Columbia University's great scholar of democracy, noted about the path from constitutional liberalism to democracy, "the itinerary is not reversible." Even European deviations from the Anglo-American pattern constitutionalism and capitalism first, only then democracy- were far less successful in producing liberal democracy. To see the complications produced by premature democratization, we could return to the heart of Europe-back in time to the early twentieth century.
Sayfa 58