Instead, the inscription of liberalism within a philosophy of nature would allow liberal ideals to prevail as principles governing human relations, while denying ultimate authoriy to such ideals in matters bearing upon human relations with nature.
Sayfa 238 - o bana sık sık "liberalizm sence nedir" diye sorardı, ben de şöyle derdim: "liberal miberal malı kap götür al rep rep."
Hoşgörü
Hoşgörü kavramının liberal teorideki rolü üzerine iç görülü çalışmasında Susan Mendus şöyle diyor: “Hoşgörü, hoş görülen şeyin ahlâki olarak kötü ve suçlanabilir olduğunu ima eder. Başka bir ima da, bunun değiştirilebilir olduğudur. Başka birinin hoş görülmesinden söz etmenin anlamı şudur: Kişinin, hoş görülen özelliğini değiştirmemesi kendi itibarsızlığını doğurur." ( Toleration and the Limits o f Liberalism Londra: Macmillan, 1989, s. 149-50) Hoşgörüde, ötekinin değerinin kabul edilmesi yoktur. Tersine, hoşgörü, ötekinin aşağılığını onaylamanın bir başka, belki de biraz daha ince ve kurnaz bir yoludur; Ötekinin ötekiliğini yok etme niyeti konusunda bir ön uyarıdır; Ötekini, kaçınılmaz olanı yapması için işbirliğine davet eder. Hoşgörü politikasının o meşhur insaniliği, nihai çözümün ertelenmesine razı olmanın ötesine geçmez; ancak bunun koşulu, tam da bu rıza eyleminin mevcut üstünlük düzenini daha da güçlendirmesidir
Sayfa 18 - DipnotKitabı okudu
According to Kuhn, the natural sciences are dominated at any time by a single paradigm; science develops through a series of 'revolutions' in which an old paradigm is replaced by a new one. Political and social enquiry is, however, different, in that it is a battleground of contending and competing paradigms. These paradigms take the form of broad social philosophies, usually called 'political ideologies': liberalism, conservatism, socialism, fascism, feminism and so on. Each presents its own account of social existence; each offers a particular view of the world. To portray these ideologies as theoretical paradigms is not, of course, to say the most, if not all, political analysis is narrowly ideological, in the sense that it advances the interests of a particular group or class. Rather, it merely acknowledges that political analysis is usually carried out on the basis of a particular ideological tradition. Much of academic political science, for example, has been constructed according to liberal-rationalist assumptions, and thus bears the imprint of its liberal heritage.
Sayfa 22Kitabı okudu
Badiou’nün olası hakaretleri yankılanıyor zihnimde
The task of postliberal political thought is to seek terms of peaceful coexistence among different cultural forms without the benefit of the universalist perspective and the conception of rational choice that Hobbes was able to deploy as an early enlightenment thinker. In the postmodern age, liberal cultures and liberal states must renounce any claim to universal authority, and learn to live in harmony with other, non-liberal cultures and polities.
Sayfa 90
Geopolitical architecture in an age of intense globalization
The most high-profile anti-globalization demonstrations occurred in cities such as Cologne, Genoa, London, and Seattle. Frequently coinciding with meetings of the WTO or G8, anti-globalization critics are censorious of the way neo-liberalism has eroded national boundaries and thus exposed communities to unwanted interference from global corporations, international institutions, and/or hegemonic powers
Sayfa 70 - Chapter 3Kitabı okudu
Today many associate nationalism with anti-liberal forces, but at least during the nineteenth century nationalism was closely aligned with liberalism.
