Jason Brennan Sözleri ve Alıntıları
Jason Brennan sözleri ve alıntılarını, Jason Brennan kitap alıntılarını, Jason Brennan en etkileyici cümleleri ve paragragları 1000Kitap'ta bulabilirsiniz.
Liberteryenler, özgür toplumların özgür olmayan toplumlardan daha fazla servet, mutluluk, barış, iyi karakter, bilimsel bilgi e genelleşmiş güven ürettiğini ileri sürer. Mesela liberteryenlere göre(İsviçre, Kanada, Avustralya gibi) daha genişçe serbest piyasa ekonomilerine sahip toplumlar, özgür olmayan(Kuzey Kore, Küba, Myanmar gibi) toplumlardakinlerden daha mutlu, sağlıklı ve müferreh vatandaşlara sahiptir.
Sayfa 63 - Liberte
Liberals—following in Mill’s footsteps—usually hold that people
should be allowed to make bad choices so long as they are only hurting themselves. To illustrate this, suppose Izzy—a single, childless man in his twenties—is imprudent. Izzy eats too much, exercises too little, and spends too much. However poor Izzy’s decisions may be, he’s not hurting anyone but himself. Let him live as he sees fit. His choices are bad, but we have no right to stop him from making bad choices.
Many people think that just as Izzy has the right to eat himself
into a heart attack, so a democracy has the right to govern itself into an economic crisis. When a democracy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions, that’s just like when Izzy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions.
This analogy fails. An electorate is not like an individual. It is a
collection of individuals with separate goals, behaviors, and intellectual credentials. It is not a unified body in which every person advocates the same policies. Instead, some people impose their decisions on others. If most voters act foolishly, they don’t just hurt themselves. They hurt better-informed and more rational voters, minority voters, citizens who abstained from voting, future generations, children, immigrants, and foreigners who are unable to vote but still are subject to or harmed by that democracy’s decisions. Political decision making is not choosing for oneself; it is choosing for everyone. If the
majority makes a capricious decision, others have to suffer the risks.
Sayfa 9
21."özgürlük karinesi" nedir?
Özgürlük karİnesi kabul eder ki, tabiatı icabı, insanlar, diğer insanlardan izin almak veya kendilerini onlara haklı göstermek mecburiyetinde olaksızın, en iyi olduğunu düşündükleri şekilde yaşama hakkına sahip olmalıdır.
(..)
Liberaller, "Bir X aktivitesi için, tabiatı icabı, X'e müsaade etmeliyiz. X'e karşı bir yasağı haklılaştırma yükü (görevi) toplumun üzerindedir" derler. Bunun tersine, liberal olmayanlar, "tanımı icabı, X'i, X' e müsaade etmenin bazı daha yüksek değerlere veya ortak iyiye hizmet ettiği gösterilmedikçe yasaklamalıyız" derler. Liberal toplumlar, "X'i yapmamıza, sizin onu yapmanıza müsaade etmeye karşı bir ikna edici kesin (conclusive) ahlaki sebep -sizin kendinizin kabul etmesi gereken bir sebep- olduğunu gösteremediğimiz sürece, müsaade edeceğiz" derler. Liberal olmayan toplumlar "X' i yapmanıza, yalnızca eğer bize size müsaade etmemiz için iyi sebepler verirseniz müsaade edeceğiz" derler.
sayfa 70,71 - liberte yayınları
Many left-liberals believe that under a libertarian free market, large corporations would become too powerful and would seize control of politics. Like left-liberals, libertarians also worry that corporations can be too powerful and exert too much control on politics. Left-liberals propose to solve the problem by expanding the power of government to control corporations. Libertarians think this strategy backfires. They tend to think corporations will seize this very power in order to disadvantage their competitors and increase their own power. Libertarians believe that the Left’s attempts to constrain corporate power actually increase corporate power. Libertarians also worry that that the left liberal opposition to corporatism is disingenuous. Leftliberals often have power. When in power, they subsidize and bail out their favored corporations.
Liberteryenler ancak tüm makul insanların kabul edebileceği şartlarda beraber yaşamamız gerektiğine inanırlar.Normal olarak iyi ve adil hakkında anlaşamadığımız için,zorlama ancak nadiren haklıdır.İnsanlara ahlaki komitenin eşit üyeleri olarak saygı göstermek için,onları kendi iradelerimize tabi kılmamalıyız.Onun yerine her bireye geniş bir kişisel özgürlük alanı garanti etmeliyiz.
Sayfa 63Kitabı okudu
Klasik liberallerle karşılaştırıldığında,katı liberteryenler inançlarını daha fazla insanların hakları için endişeye ve daha az iyi sonuçlar üretme endişesine dayandırırlar. Keza,katı liberteryenler inanırlar ki,bir liberteryen toplum iyi,alternatiflerinin hepsinden daha iyi sonuçlar üretecektir.
Katı liberteryenler romancı Ayn Rand’ı, iktisatçı Murray Rothbard’ı ve felsefeciler Robert Nozick ile Eric Mack’ı kapsar.
Sayfa 37Kitabı okudu
During deliberation, people use language in biased and manipulative ways. They switch, for example, between concrete and abstract language in order to create the appearance that their side is essentially good (and any badness is accidental) while the other side is essentially bad (and any goodness is accidental). If I describe my friend as kind, this abstract language suggests that they will regularly engage in kind behavior. If I say that my enemy donated some money to Oxfam, this concrete language leaves open the question of whether this kind of behavior matches my enemy’s character and could be expected again.
Sayfa 63 - Empirical Work on Deliberative Democracy
We suffer from a number of biases, including:
Confirmation bias: We tend to accept evidence that supports our
preexisting views.
Disconfirmation bias: We tend to reject or ignore evidence that disconfirms our preexisting views.
Motivated reasoning: We have preferences over what we believe,
and tend to arrive at and maintain beliefs we find comforting
or pleasing, or whatever beliefs we prefer to have.
Intergroup bias: We tend to form coalitions and groups. We tend to demonize members of other groups, but are highly forgiving and charitable toward members of our own groups. We go along with whatever our group thinks and oppose what other
groups think.
Availability bias: The easier it is for us to think of something, the
more common we think that thing is. The easier it is for us to
think of an event occurring, the more significant we assume the
consequences will be. We are thus terrible at statistical reasoning.
Prior attitude effect: When we care strongly about an issue, we evaluate arguments about the issue in a more polarized way.
Peer pressure and authority: People tend to be influenced irrationally by perceived authority, social pressure, and consensus.
Sayfa 61
A vote makes a difference only if there is a tie; otherwise, it usually does not matter how someone votes or whether they vote at all. Yet the probability a person will break a tie is vanishingly small. Some economists and political scientists estimate that you are more likely to win Powerball a few times in a row than to cast a tie-breaking vote.
Individual citizens have almost no power over government, and
individual votes have almost zero expected value. Citizens don’t invest in acquiring political knowledge because the knowledge doesn’t pay.
Sayfa 31 - Most Voters Aren't Stupid; They Just Don't Care
Economists think it’s no great mystery why voters are so ignorant. It’s explained by basic microeconomics.
Acquiring information has a cost. It takes time and effort—time
and effort that could be spent promoting people’s other goals. When the expected costs of acquiring information of a particular sort exceed the expected benefits of possessing that sort of information, people will usually not bother to acquire the information. Economists call this phenomenon rational ignorance.
Sayfa 30 - Most Voters Aren't Stupid; They Just Don't Care
Politics can serve an educative or aretaic function. Lots of things—joining the Bloods, shooting heroin, or dropping out of high school—can.
Sayfa 73