Irksal Sözleşme
C. Wright MillsIrksal Sözleşme Gönderileri
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O halde ırkçılığı bir anomaliymiş gibi, Avrupa Aydınlanması hümanizminden gizemli bir sapma olarak görmek -ki bu meseleye ileride yeniden değineceğim- esaslı bir yanılgı olacaktır. Daha ziyade fark edilmesi gereken, Roma'daki emsaline uygun düşen bir biçimde, Avrupa hümanizminin genellikle, sadece Avrupalıların insan olduğu anlamına gelmesidir.
Sayfa 53Kitabı okudu
Overall, then, colonialism "lies at the heart" of the rise of Europe. The economic unit of analysis needs to be Europe as a whole, since it is not always the case that the colonizing nations directly involved always benefited in the long term.
...Though there were local variations in the Racial Contract, depending on circumstances and the particular mode of exploitation, (...) it remains the case that the white tribe, as the global representative of civilization and modernity, is generally on top of the social pyramid.
...In keeping with the Roman precedent, European humanism usually meant that only Europeans were human. European moral and political theory, like European thought in general, developed within the framework of the Racial Contract and, as a rule, took it for granted. As Edward Said points out in Culture and Imperialism, we must not see culture as "antiseptically quarantined from its worldly affiliations." But this occupational blindness has in fact infected most "professional humanists" (and certainly most philosophers), so that "as a result [they are] unable to make the connection between the prolonged and sordid cruelty of practices such as slavery, colonialist and racial oppression, and imperial subjection on the one hand, and the poetry, fiction, philosophy of the society that engages in these practices on the other.
General purpose of the Contract is always the differential privileging of the whites as a group with respect to the nonwhites as a group, the exploitation of their bodies, land, and resources, and the denial of equal socioeconomic opportunities to them. All whites are beneficiaries of the Contract, though some whites are not signatories to it.
The "Racial Contract," is intended as a conceptual bridge between two areas now largely segregated from each other: on the one hand, the world of mainstream (i.e., white) ethics and political philosophy, preoccupied with discussions of justice and rights in the abstract, on the other hand, the world of Native American, African American, and Third and Fourth World political thought, historically focused on issues of conquest, imperialism, colonialism, white settlement, land rights, race and racism, slavery, jim crow, reparations, apartheid, cultural authenticity, national identity, indigenismo, Afrocentrism, etc. These issues hardly appear in mainstream political philosophy, but they have been central to the political struggles of the majority of the world's population.
What is needed is a global theoretical framework for situat ing discussions of race and white racism, and thereby challeng ing the assumptions of white political philosophy, which would correspond to feminist theorists' articulation of the centrality of gender, patriarchy, and sexism to traditional moral and political theory. What is needed, in other words, is a recognition that racism (or, as I will argue, global white supremacy) is itself a political system, a particular power structure of formal or informal rule, socioeconomic privilege, and norms for the differential distribution of material wealth and opportunities, benefits and burdens, rights and duties.