En Eski Jason Brennan Sözleri ve Alıntıları
En Eski Jason Brennan sözleri ve alıntılarını, en eski Jason Brennan kitap alıntılarını, etkileyici sözleri 1000Kitap'ta bulabilirsiniz.Muhafazakarlar devletin insanlara para karşılığında seks mübadelesi yapmayı yasaklamasını ister. Liberteryenler istemez. Birçok sol-liberal devletin insanların belgesiz göçmenleri dadı olarak çalıştırmasını yasaklamasını ister. Liberteryenler istemez. Marksistler devletin insanların fabrika sahibi olmasını yasaklamasını ister. Liberteryenler istemez.
Liberteryenizm hakkında bilgi sahibi olmamız lazım, çünkü o muhakkak (doğru) addettiğimiz fikirlere karşı çıkar.
Liberals—following in Mill’s footsteps—usually hold that people
should be allowed to make bad choices so long as they are only hurting themselves. To illustrate this, suppose Izzy—a single, childless man in his twenties—is imprudent. Izzy eats too much, exercises too little, and spends too much. However poor Izzy’s decisions may be, he’s not hurting anyone but himself. Let him live as he sees fit. His choices are bad, but we have no right to stop him from making bad choices.
Many people think that just as Izzy has the right to eat himself
into a heart attack, so a democracy has the right to govern itself into an economic crisis. When a democracy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions, that’s just like when Izzy makes bad, imprudent, or irrational decisions.
This analogy fails. An electorate is not like an individual. It is a
collection of individuals with separate goals, behaviors, and intellectual credentials. It is not a unified body in which every person advocates the same policies. Instead, some people impose their decisions on others. If most voters act foolishly, they don’t just hurt themselves. They hurt better-informed and more rational voters, minority voters, citizens who abstained from voting, future generations, children, immigrants, and foreigners who are unable to vote but still are subject to or harmed by that democracy’s decisions. Political decision making is not choosing for oneself; it is choosing for everyone. If the
majority makes a capricious decision, others have to suffer the risks.
Sayfa 9
Epistocrats strike many people as authoritarian. They seem to hold that smart people should have the right to rule over others just because they know better. On this point, Estlund claims that defenses of epistocracy typically rest on three tenets: truth, knowledge, and authority.
Truth tenet: There are correct answers to (at least some) political
questions.
Knowledge tenet: Some citizens know more of these truths or are more reliable at determining these truths than others.
Authority tenet: When some citizens have greater knowledge or
reliability, this justifies granting them political authority over
those with lesser knowledge.
Sayfa 16
Epistocrats need not assert that experts should be bosses. Epistocrats need only suggest that incompetent or unreasonable people should not be imposed on others as bosses. They need only contend that democratic decision making, in certain cases, lacks authority or legitimacy because it tends to be incompetent. This leaves open what, if anything, justifies political power.
Sayfa 17
Many take it as an unquestionable, nonnegotiable axiom that everyone ought to have an equal share of political power. Unequal political power is a marker of injustice. They have a point. For most of civilized history, political power was distributed unequally, on the basis of morally arbitrary, repugnant, or evil reasons. We’ve made progress, and
Sayfa 18 - Arbitrary versus Nonarbitrary Grounds for Political Inequality
Economists think it’s no great mystery why voters are so ignorant. It’s explained by basic microeconomics.
Acquiring information has a cost. It takes time and effort—time
and effort that could be spent promoting people’s other goals. When the expected costs of acquiring information of a particular sort exceed the expected benefits of possessing that sort of information, people will usually not bother to acquire the information. Economists call this phenomenon rational ignorance.
Sayfa 30 - Most Voters Aren't Stupid; They Just Don't Care
A vote makes a difference only if there is a tie; otherwise, it usually does not matter how someone votes or whether they vote at all. Yet the probability a person will break a tie is vanishingly small. Some economists and political scientists estimate that you are more likely to win Powerball a few times in a row than to cast a tie-breaking vote.
Individual citizens have almost no power over government, and
individual votes have almost zero expected value. Citizens don’t invest in acquiring political knowledge because the knowledge doesn’t pay.
Sayfa 31 - Most Voters Aren't Stupid; They Just Don't Care
Political knowledge and economic literacy are not evenly spread
among all demographic groups. Political knowledge is strongly positively correlated with having a college degree, but negatively correlated with having a high school diploma or less. It is positively correlated with being in the top half of income earners, but negatively correlated with being in the bottom half. It is strongly positively correlated with being in the top quarter of income earners, and strongly negatively correlated with being in the bottom quarter. It is positively correlated with living in the western United States, and negatively correlated with living in the South. Political knowledge is positively correlated with being or leaning Republican, but negatively correlated with being a Democrat or leaning independent. It is positively correlated with being between the ages of thirty-five and fifty-four, but negatively correlated with other ages. It is negatively
correlated with being black, and strongly negatively correlated with being female. As I’ll explore in chapter 8, the basis of one of the major objections to epistocracy is the fact that political knowledge is spread unevenly among demographic groups.
Sayfa 33 - Some Citizens Know Much More Than Others
While drivers collectively cause the pollution, no single
driver makes any significant difference. If I were the only driver, I
could drive my turbocharged sports sedan to my heart’s content and never cause any noticeable pollution. And the same goes for every other driver.
How much we pollute makes a huge difference, but for each person, how much they pollute make no real difference. So each individual person has little incentive to stop polluting.
Democracy is much like that. Voters remain ignorant and irrational because democracy incentivizes them to remain ignorant and irrational. So we have to ask, What should we do about it?
Sayfa 53
We suffer from a number of biases, including:
Confirmation bias: We tend to accept evidence that supports our
preexisting views.
Disconfirmation bias: We tend to reject or ignore evidence that disconfirms our preexisting views.
Motivated reasoning: We have preferences over what we believe,
and tend to arrive at and maintain beliefs we find comforting
or pleasing, or whatever beliefs we prefer to have.
Intergroup bias: We tend to form coalitions and groups. We tend to demonize members of other groups, but are highly forgiving and charitable toward members of our own groups. We go along with whatever our group thinks and oppose what other
groups think.
Availability bias: The easier it is for us to think of something, the
more common we think that thing is. The easier it is for us to
think of an event occurring, the more significant we assume the
consequences will be. We are thus terrible at statistical reasoning.
Prior attitude effect: When we care strongly about an issue, we evaluate arguments about the issue in a more polarized way.
Peer pressure and authority: People tend to be influenced irrationally by perceived authority, social pressure, and consensus.
Sayfa 61
During deliberation, people use language in biased and manipulative ways. They switch, for example, between concrete and abstract language in order to create the appearance that their side is essentially good (and any badness is accidental) while the other side is essentially bad (and any goodness is accidental). If I describe my friend as kind, this abstract language suggests that they will regularly engage in kind behavior. If I say that my enemy donated some money to Oxfam, this concrete language leaves open the question of whether this kind of behavior matches my enemy’s character and could be expected again.
Sayfa 63 - Empirical Work on Deliberative Democracy
Politics can serve an educative or aretaic function. Lots of things—joining the Bloods, shooting heroin, or dropping out of high school—can.
Sayfa 73
There are many other possible forms of epistocracy:
Restricted suffrage: Citizens may acquire the legal right to vote and run for office only if they are deemed (through some sort of
process) competent and/or sufficiently well informed. This system has representative government and institutions similar to
modern democracies, but does not
Sayfa 15
Soldaki tüm insanlar libertenyenizme muhalefet ederler, çünkü onun eşitsizliğe sebep olacağını ve fakirlere zarar vereceğini düşünürler. Sağdaki insanlar libertenyenizme muhalefet ederler, zira onun ahlaki bozukluğa ve zayıf bir Amerika'ya yol açacağını düşünürler.
Sayfa 54Kitabı okudu