Political Sociology Gönderileri
Political Sociology kitaplarını, Political Sociology sözleri ve alıntılarını, Political Sociology yazarlarını, Political Sociology yorumları ve incelemelerini 1000Kitap'ta bulabilirsiniz.
If the political system was as open as pluralists argued, how could the dominance of political positions by white, middle-class males be explained?
Effective citizenship cannot be passive: it demands political participation by all, to the best of their ability. However, this raises the question of how successful the mechanisms of liberal democracies are in facilitating this participation.
Sayfa 142
...both the state and the market are stratified entities: they are organized in ways which reflect and reinforce structures of power. Thus, the state is a gendered institution and privileges some ethnic identities over others, while the market generally rewards those who are already favorably placed in society.
Sayfa 141
Amitai Etzioni
The constant reappraisal of the extent and nature of rights, including demonstrations and protest, can be seen as a sign of a healthy civil society and an expression of citizens’ responsibilities, rather than a threat to social order.
Sayfa 140
Because of an imbalance between rights and obligations, it is argued that many Western countries are suffering from an identity crisis, as the glue that holds the fabric of civil society together is weakened because of an overemphasis upon rights.
Sayfa 136
Citizenship cannot be understood outside of the state-civil society relationship. The contradictions and tensions of this relationship will vary between countries, but the key point is that citizenship is never a fixed status. (…) Citizenship is likely to be transformed in the context of various crisis faced by the states system and the capitalist economy. The instabilities of both mean that states are often forced to shift the parameters of citizenship. Thus, a military crisis may precipitate the restriction of certain civil rights, for example, through the internment of residents considered a threat to the state.
Sayfa 135
The kind of rights described as civil by Marshall and many the theorists who have adopted his terminology would best be reclassified as market rights. This term more accurately captures the ideological import of these rights. Rights to accumulate property and have that property protected by the state underpinned the development of capitalism, which is inherently class based and gendered. Consequently, women and workers were systematically excluded from exercising many basic civil rights. Instead they were forced by a combination of the imperatives of the economy and the coercive arm of the state to play their part in the development of the market, which in reality was, in all senses of the word, decidedly unfree.
Sayfa 134
Turner, like Mann and Marshall, overlooks the fact that citizenship is a gendered concept. This is particularly problematic for Turner's treatment of the public-private divide in the various historical examples he discusses. Although much of the originality of Turner's argument rests upon this distinction, he makes no reference to the vast feminist literature on the inequalities that are perpetuated by a differentiation between the public realm as political and the private sphere as a ‘heaven from a heartless world’.
Sayfa 132
Karl Marx
Without a revolutionary change, the inequalities of civil society would always serve to dilute the impact of citizenship. Individuals would remain alienated from themselves and their community, because for the greater part of their life they were workers and not citizens.
Sayfa 127
The state and civil society are in an interdependent power relationship. (...) Ideas such as the state always serves dominant economic interests or that the state can never act in the interests of class must be abandoned in favour of a more nuanced approach that focuses on specific cases.
Sayfa 49
If the political system was as open as pluralists argued, how could the dominance of political positions by white, middle-class males be explained?
Sayfa 45
Schumpeter argues that political rule is always exercised by a minority, and that in complex societies participatory democracy, where the masses play a direct and constant role in decision making, is impossible. There is no one dominant elite in liberal society, but instead that exists a dynamic between organized minorities. (...) Democracy is seen, not as an end in itself, but is a method by which elites can be selected by the masses. (...) Schumpeter feels that the most democratic institution in society is the market and therefore political institutions should be based on this model: just as capitalists compete for customers, politicians should compete for votes.
Sayfa 43
Elite theory is clearly under theorized and tells us a little about the state-civil society relationship. (...) Elitists failed to explain the relationship between different kinds of power, and in particular the link between politics and economics is left largely unexplored.
Sayfa 42
Mosca denies that the elites are necessarily morally or even intellectually superior, and sees organizational skill as the key to elite rule. Pareto is more militant concerning the superiority of the elite in terms of the psychological and personal attributes suitable for government. He speaks of the political elite in terms of their physical and mental strength.
Sayfa 40