The terms of peace, called the Peace of Westphalia (1648), reflect the passing of an age. Calvinism joined Lutheranism and Catholicism as a recognized expression of the Christian faith. Princes, if they chose, could, for the first time, allow Protestants and Catholics to coexist within their territories. And the pope was excluded from any interference in the religious affairs of Germany. Naturally Pope Innocent X condemned the treaty, but both Catholics and Protestants ignored his protests.
One of the glaring weaknesses of the Peace of Augsburg (1555) was that it ignored the Calvinists. Given their sense of holy mission, it was merely a matter of time before hostilities erupted anew. Preparations for war were laid early in the seventeenth century when Protestants formed a league of German princes and Catholics created a similar Catholic League. Fighting broke out in 1618.
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After 1530 the emperor, Charles V, made clear his intention to crush the growing heresy. In defense, the Lutheran princes banded together in 1531 in the Schmalkaldic League, and between 1546 and 1555 a sporadic civil war raged. The combatants reached a compromise in the Peace of Augsburg (1555), which allowed each prince to decide the religion of his subjects, forbade all sects of Protestantism other than Lutheranism, and ordered all Catholic bishops to give up their property if they turned Lutheran.
The effects of these provisions on Germany were profound. Lutheranism became a state religion in large portions of the empire. From Germany it spread to Scandinavia. Religious opinions became the private property of the princes, and the individual had to believe what his prince wanted him to believe, be it Lutheran or Catholic.
Savaş ertesi yıllarda Sevres ve sonra da Lozan Antlaşma- sı’nı doğuran diplomasiye ilişkin olarak, Paul C. Helmreich’in büyük güçlerin diplomasisini inceleyen From Paris to Sevres. The Partilion of the Ottommı Empİre at the Peace Con- ference of 1919-1920 / Paris'ten Sevres’e. Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun 1919-1920 Barış Konferansında Taksim Edilişi (Co- lumbus: Ohio State Universily Press, 1974) ve Salahı Ramsdan Sonyel’in Türk milliyetçilerinin diplomasisine ağırlık veren Turhİsh Diplomacy 1918-1923: Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish National Movement ! Türk Diplomasisi 1918-1923: Mustafa Kemal ve Türk Ulusal Hareketi (Londra ve Beverley Hills: Sage Publieaıions, 1975) adlı çalışmaları bulunmaktadır.
My greatest wish for humanity is not for peace or comfort or joy. It is that we all still die a little inside every time we witness the death of another. For only the pain of empathy will keep us human. There's no version of God that can help us if we ever lose that.
Fear of national defeat in war—hot war, cold war, or trade war—is more likely to compel elites to undertake reforms than fear of uprisings from below. In the twentieth century, the need to promote business-labor collaboration and cross-class harmony and to reduce racial strife in the world wars and the Cold War overcame the natural resistance of Western elites to sharing power, if only briefly, with organized labor.
If today’s technocratic neoliberalism is succeeded in the future by a new democratic pluralism, it is likely to be in the context of renewed great-power competition. In order to compete effectively with rival powers, patriotic factions within the overclass who put long-term national solidarity and national productivity above the short-term self-interest of their class may lead to the replacement of globalist neoliberalism with a new national developmentalism, combined with cross-class negotiations in the interest of social peace on the home front.
