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CIA'dan para yardımı alan kişilerden ve kurumlardan, geniş kapsamlı bir inandırma kampanyasının, bir propaganda savaşının erleri olması bekleniyordu ve propagandanın anlamı şuydu: "Herhangi belli bir grubun dü şünce ve hareketlerini etkilemek üzere düzenlenmiş haberler, özel savlar ya da çağrılar yoluyla bilgi ya da belli bir doktrin yaymak amacıyla yürütülen her türlü örgütlü çaba ya da hare ket."5
Bu çabanın en önemli öğesi "psikolojik savaş"tı ve bu da şöyle tanımlanıyordu: "Bir ulusun, savaş dışı etkinliklerden ve propagandadan planlı bir şekilde yararlanarak, yabancı gruplarıngörüşlerini, tavırlarını, duygu ve davranışlarını kendi ulusal çıkarları doğrultusunda etkilemeyi amaçlayan düşünce ve bilgileri yaymasıdır." Dahası, "en etkili propaganda tarzı" da ''söz konusu kişinin kendisinin inandığını sandığı nedenler yüzünden, sizin arzu ettiğiniz yönde hareket etmesidir, " şeklinde tanımlanmaktadır. 6 Bu tanımlara karşı çıkmanın yaran yok. Bunlar, savaş son rası Amerikan kültür diplomasisinin bu donnee'leri resmi belge lere serpiştirilmiş durumda.
Pablo Neruda did not win the 1964 Nobel Prize for Literature. But there was no cause for celebration in the offices of the Congress when the winner was announced. It was Jean Paul Sartre. He, famously, refused to accept the award. Neruda had to wait until 1971 before he was honoured by the Swedish Academy, by which time he was Chile’s Ambassador to France, representing the democratically elected government of his friend Salvador Allende (who was then undemocratically unseated and murdered in 1973, with the help of the long arm of the CIA).
The New Press - 2000
As editor of Cuadernos, his job was to try and penetrate the ‘great distrust’ in Latin America, where the only way to achieve significant impact, he joked, would be constantly to attack the US and sing the praises of Sartre or Pablo Neruda.
The New Press - 2000
Julian Gorkin had founded the Communist Party of Valencia in 1921, and worked in an underground network for the Comintern, learning, amongst other things, how to forge passports. Towards the end of the Spanish Civil War he fled to Mexico, the traditional roost for Bolsheviks on the run, and there survived five attempts on his life, one of which left him with a hole in his skull.
The New Press - 2000
But perhaps the most exciting development for Josselson and his ‘intellectual shock troops’ was the news that Sartre had publicly repudiated the Communist Party, branding the Soviet leadership ‘a group which today surpasses Stalinism after having denounced it’. Writing in L’Express on 9 November 1956, he denounced Soviet policy since the Second World War as ‘twelve years of terror and stupidity’, and ‘wholeheartedly’ condemned the intervention in Hungary. Reserving special invective for his own country’s Communists, he declared; ‘It is not, and never will be possible to resume relations with the men who are currently running the French Communist Party. Every one of their phrases, their every move, is the outgrowth of thirty years of lies and sclerosis. Their reactions are those of completely irresponsible persons.’ The Congress ran off thousands of copies of Sartre’s statement, distributing it along with that of Camus, who threatened to lead a boycott of the United Nations if it failed to vote for ‘the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops’ from Hungary, and to ‘publicly denounce its bankruptcy and failure’ if the UN fell short of this demand. ‘There seems to be... a breakaway of the French intellectuals in a descending order of communists, fellow-travellers, progressists, anti-anti-communists, and now anti-communist communists,’Josselson remarked gleefully.
The New Press - 2000
In 1787, at an inn near Moulins, an old man was dying – a friend of Diderot’s, whose ideas had been moulded by the philosophes. The local priests were baffled: they had tried everything in vain; the good man refused the last sacraments, saying he was a pantheist. Monsieur de Rollebon, who was passing by and who believed in nothing, bet the Cure of Moulins that he would take less than two hours to bring the sick man back to Christian sentiments. The Cure took the bet and lost: taken in hand at three in the morning, the sick man confessed at five and died at seven. ‘You must be very good at arguing,’ said the Cure, ‘to beat our own people!’ ‘I didn’t argue,’ replied Monsieur de Rollebon, ‘I made him frightened of hell.’
Jean-Paul Sartre, Nausea
The New Press - 2000
Lasky argued consistently for a deeper commitment to States-side themes (Eudora Welty should be approached to do a ‘De-Segregation’ piece; someone should write about ‘the Great American Boom’; Gian Carlo Menotti could do something on the theme of ‘highbrow and lowbrow’), and increased emphasis on Soviet affairs. Another favourite bete noire – and consistently the target of a kind of insensate hatred in Congress magazines – was Jean-Paul Sartre, whose break with Merleau-Ponty in 1955 (after Merleau-Ponty announced his divorce from Communism) should, said Lasky, be signalled in Congress magazines under the heading ‘Sartre est mort’. Sartre was repeatedly dismissed in the pages of Encounter and Preuves as a lackey of Communism, a miserable time-server whose political and creative writings perpetuated the Communist delusion and ‘rejoiced in violence’.
The New Press - 2000
In April 1956, the first issue of Tempo Presente appeared in Italy. Edited by Ignazio Silone and Nicola Chiaromonte, it was the first serious challenge to Nuovi Argomenti, a journal founded in 1954 by Alberto Moravia which closely resembled Sartre’s Les Temps modernes. Tempo Presente took the resemblance one step further, its title a deliberate echo of Sartre’s. Cynics would later argue that this amounted to intellectual theft, and illustrated claims that one major CIA strategy was to create or support ‘parallel’ organizations which provided an alternative to radicalism over which they had no control. Certainly, Tempo Presente ‘opened its pages to many defectors from the Italian Communist Party in the late 1950s’, including the writers Italo Calvino, Vasco Pratolini and Libero de Libero. Its pages were also open to dissident writers from the eastern bloc who, together with the regular stable of Congress contributors, kept up a sustained attack on the vagaries of Communist totalitarianism.
The New Press - 2000
‘When two innocents are sentenced to death, it is the whole world’s business,’ Jean-Paul Sartre exclaimed, defining Fascism not ‘by the number of its victims but by the way it kills them’. He added that the execution was ‘a legal lynching that has covered a whole nation in blood’. To make sure the whole world knew it was its business, the Communists orchestrated a massive campaign for clemency, organizing coverage in the Communist-controlled press, and arranging for Communist-front organizations to petition American embassies. London received thousands of petitions and protests bearing several thousand signatures. Paris reported that it was receiving telegrams, letters and petitions at the rate of approximately fifty per day.
The New Press - 2000