Hoşgörü
Hoşgörü kavramının liberal teorideki rolü üzerine iç görülü çalışmasında Susan Mendus şöyle diyor: “Hoşgörü, hoş görülen şeyin ahlâki olarak kötü ve suçlanabilir olduğunu ima eder. Başka bir ima da, bunun değiştirilebilir olduğudur. Başka birinin hoş görülmesinden söz etmenin anlamı şudur: Kişinin, hoş görülen özelliğini değiştirmemesi kendi itibarsızlığını doğurur." ( Toleration and the Limits o f Liberalism Londra: Macmillan, 1989, s. 149-50) Hoşgörüde, ötekinin değerinin kabul edilmesi yoktur. Tersine, hoşgörü, ötekinin aşağılığını onaylamanın bir başka, belki de biraz daha ince ve kurnaz bir yoludur; Ötekinin ötekiliğini yok etme niyeti konusunda bir ön uyarıdır; Ötekini, kaçınılmaz olanı yapması için işbirliğine davet eder. Hoşgörü politikasının o meşhur insaniliği, nihai çözümün ertelenmesine razı olmanın ötesine geçmez; ancak bunun koşulu, tam da bu rıza eyleminin mevcut üstünlük düzenini daha da güçlendirmesidir
Sayfa 18 - DipnotKitabı okudu
Most liberals, and all the great classical liberals, acknowledge that the liberal states may have a range of service functions, going beyond rights-protection and the upholding of justice, and for this reason or not advocates of the minimum state but rather of limited government. (...) It is clear that it need not be democratic government. (...) An authoritarian type of government may sometimes do better from a liberal standpoint then a democratic regime, always provided that the governmental authorities are restricted in their activities by the rule of law.
Sayfa 70 - 71
The radical, even revolutionary edge of liberalism faded with each liberal success. Liberalism thus became increasingly conservative, standing less for change and reform, and more for the maintenance of existing – largely liberal – institutions.
Today many associate nationalism with anti-liberal forces, but at least during the nineteenth century nationalism was closely aligned with liberalism.
Badiou’nün olası hakaretleri yankılanıyor zihnimde
The task of postliberal political thought is to seek terms of peaceful coexistence among different cultural forms without the benefit of the universalist perspective and the conception of rational choice that Hobbes was able to deploy as an early enlightenment thinker. In the postmodern age, liberal cultures and liberal states must renounce any claim to universal authority, and learn to live in harmony with other, non-liberal cultures and polities.
Sayfa 90
"Sexy, gorgeous, brilliant, and thoroughly admirable heroes" so true
The plot of Atlas Shrugged is basically a moral fable that reverses the moral premises of early twentieth-century socialism and of midcentury welfare state liberalism. The novel represents the “producers” who own and run industrial capitalism as sexy, gorgeous, brilliant, and thoroughly admirable heroes, as contrasted with the flabby, unattractive, incompetent, unproductive moochers and state-backed bureaucratic looters, parasites, and thugs. Originally titled “The Strike,” the novel outlines the impact on the world when the producers—the creators and innovators of industry, science, and intellectual life—rather than the unionized workers—withdraw their labor. The “engine of the world” progressively collapses, until the lights literally go out in New York City in a scene of desperate chaos. The producers have withdrawn to the hero John Galt’s Gulch, planning to return once the world collapses without them.
Sayfa 110
Geopolitical architecture in an age of intense globalization
The most high-profile anti-globalization demonstrations occurred in cities such as Cologne, Genoa, London, and Seattle. Frequently coinciding with meetings of the WTO or G8, anti-globalization critics are censorious of the way neo-liberalism has eroded national boundaries and thus exposed communities to unwanted interference from global corporations, international institutions, and/or hegemonic powers
Sayfa 70 - Chapter 3Kitabı okudu
In economics, liberalism maintains that the customer is always right.
According to Kuhn, the natural sciences are dominated at any time by a single paradigm; science develops through a series of 'revolutions' in which an old paradigm is replaced by a new one. Political and social enquiry is, however, different, in that it is a battleground of contending and competing paradigms. These paradigms take the form of broad social philosophies, usually called 'political ideologies': liberalism, conservatism, socialism, fascism, feminism and so on. Each presents its own account of social existence; each offers a particular view of the world. To portray these ideologies as theoretical paradigms is not, of course, to say the most, if not all, political analysis is narrowly ideological, in the sense that it advances the interests of a particular group or class. Rather, it merely acknowledges that political analysis is usually carried out on the basis of a particular ideological tradition. Much of academic political science, for example, has been constructed according to liberal-rationalist assumptions, and thus bears the imprint of its liberal heritage.
Sayfa 22Kitabı okudu
If liberalism, nationalism, Islam, or some novel creed wishes to shape the world of the year 2050, it will need not only to make sense of artificial intelligence, Big Data algorithms, and bioengineering but also to incorporate them into a new and meaningful narrative.
Sayfa 27Kitabı okudu