Fuck the Democracy! Fuck the Liberalism! Fuck the System!
Ben sistemlere karşıyım, sistemlerin en kabul edilebilir olanı, ilkesel olarak hiç olmayandır.
Do you want some brain? No thanks im a liberal!
Hayek's most influential work, The Road to Serfdom, explored growing state influence that he felt represented a fundamental threat to individual liberty. In his view, the growing role of government to provide greater economic security was nothing more than the first step on a slippery slope to socialism or fascism. He warned against reliance on ''national planners'' who promised to create economic utopias by supplanting competition with a government-directed system of production, pricing, and redistribution. Drawing on older theories of economic liberalism, Hayek argued that the only way to have security and freedom was to limit the role of government and draw security from opportunity the market provides to free individuals.
Sayfa 39 - pearson new international edition
liberals.. they always fall in love with invisible things...
It is the sense then that their violence is of a different sort -one backed by Reason- that allows modern liberals to support colonial interventions in seemingly illiberal countries in order to promote democracy, foster human rights, promote sustainable development, rescue women or many other such causes. Empire and modern liberalism not only go hand in hand but it is this intimacy and complicity between the two that makes the indignity of colonialism invisible to the modern liberal.
Sayfa 154
White supremacy is the unnamed political system that has made the modern world what it is today.
You will not fi nd this term in introductory, or even advanced, texts in political theory. A standard under graduate philosophy course will start off with Plato and Aris totle, perhaps say something about Augustine, Aquinas, and Machiavelli, move on to Hobbes, Locke, Mill, and Marx, and then wind up with Rawls and Nozick. It will introduce you to notions of aristocracy, democracy, absolutism, liberalism, representative government, socialism, welfare capitalism, and libertarianism. But though it covers more than two thousand years of Western political thought and runs the ostensible gamut of political systems, there will be no mention of the basic political system that has shaped the world for the past several hundred years. And this omission is not accidental.
Rather, it reflects the fact that standard textbooks and courses have for the most part been written and designed by whites, who take their racial privilege so much for granted that they do not even see it as political, as a form of domination.
Mehmet Ali Ağaoğulları
Through the course of the century [19th], nationalism and liberalism were the driving forces behind bourgeois revolutions.
Sayfa 178
Marxists reject the abstract individualism of liberalism and instead understand human behavior in its societal context.
Sayfa 34
''Sleep teaching was actually prohibited in England. There was something called liberalism. Parliament, if you know what that was, passed a law against it. The record survive. Sepeeches about liberty of the subject. Liberty to be inefficient and miserable. Freedom to be a round peg in a square hole.''
Çevreleme Liberalizmi - Containment Liberalism
Özetle, çevreleme liberalizmi, "uygun" bir ekonomik büyüme sağlayarak komünist programı çekici olmaktan çıkarmak gibi bir amaç taşıyordu.
Sayfa 80 - ÖtekiKitabı okudu
The radical, even revolutionary edge of liberalism faded with each liberal success. Liberalism thus became increasingly conservative, standing less for change and reform, and more for the maintenance of existing – largely liberal – institutions.
Most Third World countries that proclaimed themselves democracies immediately after their independence, while they were poor and unstable, became dictatorships within a decade. As Giovanni Sartori, Columbia University's great scholar of democracy, noted about the path from constitutional liberalism to democracy, "the itinerary is not reversible." Even European deviations from the Anglo-American pattern constitutionalism and capitalism first, only then democracy- were far less successful in producing liberal democracy. To see the complications produced by premature democratization, we could return to the heart of Europe-back in time to the early twentieth century.
Sayfa 58
Instead, the inscription of liberalism within a philosophy of nature would allow liberal ideals to prevail as principles governing human relations, while denying ultimate authoriy to such ideals in matters bearing upon human relations with nature.
Sayfa 238 - o bana sık sık "liberalizm sence nedir" diye sorardı, ben de şöyle derdim: "liberal miberal malı kap götür al rep rep."
Most liberals, and all the great classical liberals, acknowledge that the liberal states may have a range of service functions, going beyond rights-protection and the upholding of justice, and for this reason or not advocates of the minimum state but rather of limited government. (...) It is clear that it need not be democratic government. (...) An authoritarian type of government may sometimes do better from a liberal standpoint then a democratic regime, always provided that the governmental authorities are restricted in their activities by the rule of law.
Sayfa 70 - 71
Hoşgörü
Hoşgörü kavramının liberal teorideki rolü üzerine iç görülü çalışmasında Susan Mendus şöyle diyor: “Hoşgörü, hoş görülen şeyin ahlâki olarak kötü ve suçlanabilir olduğunu ima eder. Başka bir ima da, bunun değiştirilebilir olduğudur. Başka birinin hoş görülmesinden söz etmenin anlamı şudur: Kişinin, hoş görülen özelliğini değiştirmemesi kendi itibarsızlığını doğurur." ( Toleration and the Limits o f Liberalism Londra: Macmillan, 1989, s. 149-50) Hoşgörüde, ötekinin değerinin kabul edilmesi yoktur. Tersine, hoşgörü, ötekinin aşağılığını onaylamanın bir başka, belki de biraz daha ince ve kurnaz bir yoludur; Ötekinin ötekiliğini yok etme niyeti konusunda bir ön uyarıdır; Ötekini, kaçınılmaz olanı yapması için işbirliğine davet eder. Hoşgörü politikasının o meşhur insaniliği, nihai çözümün ertelenmesine razı olmanın ötesine geçmez; ancak bunun koşulu, tam da bu rıza eyleminin mevcut üstünlük düzenini daha da güçlendirmesidir
Sayfa 18 - DipnotKitabı okudu
Badiou’nün olası hakaretleri yankılanıyor zihnimde
The task of postliberal political thought is to seek terms of peaceful coexistence among different cultural forms without the benefit of the universalist perspective and the conception of rational choice that Hobbes was able to deploy as an early enlightenment thinker. In the postmodern age, liberal cultures and liberal states must renounce any claim to universal authority, and learn to live in harmony with other, non-liberal cultures and polities.
Sayfa 90
Today many associate nationalism with anti-liberal forces, but at least during the nineteenth century nationalism was closely aligned with liberalism.
